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By Colin H. Williams (auth.)

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But above all, such minorities need democratic legitimacy to carry forward their ambitions. Consequently I believe that we now need to devote some of our energies to debating the relationship between the individual and the collective, the one and the many. This is because we need proposals which are firmly grounded, and not liable to be dismissed as the special pleading of a marginal subgroup, but the reasoned deliberations of fully respected citizens, who while sharing a common European home, want at least one room in the home to reflect their existence.

Nationalist iconography has raised a triad of political truths – sovereignty, autarchy and cultural integrity. This Chalcedonianinformed interpenetration of place, nation and individual has been described as a “complex, multi-layered phenomena, each involving relationships: of place with time, time with place, and each individual with the transgenerational community of which he or she is a member. The integration of Chalcedonian concepts permits us to describe a relationship in which there is unity, but no merging, and in which the boundaries between metaphysical and psychological dimensions of place and of nation can be The Nationalist Inheritance in a Globalising World 29 allowed their own autonomies without confusion of linguistic registers, or a false transference of ontic realities from one plane to another” (Llywelyn, 1999, p.

2000). But the wider question of the relative standing of official languages makes political representatives wary of further complicating administrative politics by addressing the needs of the many millions of citizens who have a mother tongue which is not the main official language of the state which they inhabit. The most recent expansion of the EU in 2007 has increased the difficulties in translating multi-cultural communication and guaranteeing access to information and hence power for all groups.

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